Where's your wailing pen?

asked South African Andile Mngxitama, in a letter which appeared in the latest issue of Pambazuka News. Below is his letter. My response follows.

I have been a great admirer of the contemporary Kenyan literary and intellectual movement for sometime now. As a relatively young South African, I have searched with no success for an equivalent development here at home.

I have been mesmerised by Wainaina's imagination and masterly use of irony. Mukoma's political insights which are many years older than him, I can't forget the dancing poetry of Shaila Patel. But when the election related bloodletting occurred, I'm afraid their wailing pens went flat. They have certainly written, they have initiated and joined the peace movement, but im afraid they haven't said anything. Maybe that is the cost one pays for success and international glory.

Why would these great minds of our time, appear like many Desmond Tutus presiding over the TRC collective mourning ceremony? Why have they banished from their pens, incitement to liberation and the attack on the neo-colony and its degenerate democrazy (apologies Fela)?

Every time I read these idols of mine, I hear "peace". What peace? I ask. The poor of Kibera are trapped in one of the most vicious structural violence known to humanity, every single day of their miserable existence. Haven't we felt the bitter tears of the surviving mau mau fighters? When we were in Nairobi for the WSF last year, we were told stories of state sanctioned mass killings of the poor youth, they apparently shoot to kill even for stealing a cell phone. And we talk peace? Is it not a great miracle that some people born in Kibera reached the age of 25? But for the majority of Kenyans life after Uhuru has not been a bed of roses, we also know of the never ending killings for land and forests.

My gripe more than anything is predicated upon the spectacular failure to raise an alternative voice which is not hobbled by international NGO humanitarian discourses deeply trapped in liberal democratic appeal. I yearn for a voice which would confidently redirect the violence consuming the poor of all tribes, which is organised above by the democracy elites whose sole purpose is looting. Why I don't hear someone talk about revolutionary violence? Why I don't hear someone say death to Kibaki and Odinga! Unity amongst the poor! Why? Because we are now struggling for peace? Not even a little justice?

The people of Kenya has every right to chose who will rule over them, in short which elite group must come in and eat as they seat in the grand stand cheering on. That's democracy ala our new colonisers. But surely we can warn them that they need not kill each other so that their respective leaders may eat. We have a responsibility to point out that the so called democracy is really not worth dying for, maybe we should point out that it's a little better to die fighting for your own freedom against the tyranny of money now embodied in Kibaki and Odinga.

Please let's stop the talk of peace, which is nothing but a call to return to the abnormal normalcy of elite rule predicated upon the perpetuation of structural violence against the poor. Here in SA, it was interesting to watch through eyes burning with tear gas and gun power, how the apartheid monster turned the terms of our liberation movement into a negotiations for peace after unleashing untold violence against the blacks using black hands like the Inkatha Freedom Party thugs (remember the misleading talk of black on black violence?). So we negotiated a peaceful transition which ensured the perpetuation of black suffering.

Shailja's Response:

Dear Andile,

I hear your disappointment - and share it.

Which is why I work with Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice. This is a coalition of over 40 legal, human rights, and governance organizations (including grassroots collectives representing the youth of Nairobi's slum areas), and individual Kenyans, such as myself. Prior to the elections, many of these organizations were already ferocious advocates for justice and equity for all Kenyans. Their leaders are the Kenyans I respect and admire most, for their uncompromising commitment to Kenya's voiceless and unrepresented citizens, no matter what the personal cost to themselves.

From the outset, KPTJ has insisted that any resolution of the crisis must address the injustices at all levels - historic, and current - which precipitated this catastrophe. KPTJ has categorically rejected calls for "peace" and "dialogue" from the parties who are really seeking violent suppression of the poorest and most disenfranchised Kenyans, so that "normal life" may resume for the wealthy.

KPTJ continues to offer an analysis of the violence in Kenya that traces each strand of violence to its source, and to hold the initiators of each form of violence accountable. When we say "peace", we mean the excessive use of police violence, and "shoot to kill" orders, must stop. When we say "peace", we challenge the uneven and selective policing that allowed Nairobi slums and marginalized areas of the country to burn, while police ringed an empty Uhuru Park to prevent peaceful assembly and protest. When we say "peace", we name the militia mobilised in Central, Rift Valley and Nyanza provinces, by individual political actors, to evict, loot, rape and terrorize poor Kenyans, and we describe their operations.

Relevant excerpts from KPTJ statements that speak to your concerns:

Calling for peace is not enough. We will only slide into civil war if we cannot see through this. We must resist the fear, name the problem accurately and desist from the build up to the declaration of a state of emergency, the deployment of the military or, worse, the usurpation of civilian governance by military governance. (Muthoni Wanyeki, ED, Kenya Human Rights Commission)

The cause of the current political crises in Kenya is two pronged. First, the poorly managed electoral process dealing with the Presidential Poll result. This acted as a trigger for the Second more entrenched and deep rooted problem that manifested itself in the explosion of violence of a magnitude unknown in post-independent Kenya. The simmering anger that was ignited is a result of a combination of historical injustices from the time of Kenya's colonial past, and the failure of successive governments of Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki to address comprehensively the problems of inequality of its citizens.

In particular the challenges presented by landlessness, gender inequality, youth unemployment, the widening gap between the extremely wealthy and extremely poor citizens and the marginalization of some communities. Further political campaigns hyped up expectations of Kenyans in promising to redress these issues overnight whereas a structured and systematic approach with realistic time-lines is required to do so. Resolving the issues around truth and justice, particularly around issues of corruption and past violence also meant that the political class on both sides of the divide would have to give up their own in a "no sacred cows" policy which neither was/is willing to do.[1]

(Njoki Ndungu, speaking before the US House of Representatives)

The KPTJ roadmap to a genuine resolution of the crisis includes:

- electoral and constitutional reform, to ensure all Kenyans are represented in decisions about the allocation of the country's resources

- land redistribution

- transitional justice

- the implementation of a Marshall Plan for the huge segment of Kenyan youth who have been locked out of Kenya's much vaunted 6% economic growth in the past 5 years

- addressing the crisis of masculinity that has funnelled so many young Kenyan men towards militia activity and gender-based violence, to create a new model of Kenyan manhood based on gainful employment and equal relationships

The extent to which KPTJ threatens what you so aptly term "the abnormal normalcy of elite rule" is clearly demonstrated by the fact that our leaders and spokespeople have been labelled "traitors to their ethnicity", are receiving death threats, and have been warned that they are targets for assassination by the state machinery.

To join the KPTJ mailing list, send an email to dmalombe@khrc.or.ke

Thank you for caring deeply about truth and justice for all of us on this continent. And for holding me, personally, accountable to my words.

In community,

Shailja Patel

Letter to The Economist

Sir,

Your February 7th article, Ethnic Cleansing in Luoland, is dangerously misleading, and omits crucial information about the ongoing violence in Kenya.

The term "ethnic cleansing" is both inaccurate and unhelpful to Kenya's current crisis. It fuels the build up by the Kibaki (PNU) camp to the declaration of a state of emergency, the deployment of the military or, worse, the usurpation of civilian governance by military governance.

Unquestionably, victims of the current violence experience the violence as being directed at their ethnicity. But the violence is politically-instigated. It finds ethnic expression or manifests itself ethnically because Kenyan politics are organised ethnically.

The first wave of violence in Western Kenya took the form of spontaneous, disorganized protest, against the announcement of a presidential result that both domestic and international observers have judged to be deeply flawed and lacking in credibility. It was met with a second form of violence, extraordinary force by the police and GSU paramilitary forces. Data collected by civil society and human rights organizations show the majority of deaths in Nyanza and Western provinces to be the result of extra-judicial killings by police and GSU, not civilian attacks on other civilians.

The third form of violence in Western Kenya is organized militia activity, directly traceable to specific leaders, in both the PNU and ODM. You neglect to mention that in the week preceding this article, two parliamentarians of the ODM party were murdered, in suspicious circumstances that carried all the hallmarks of political assassination. And that 25 Kikuyu civil society leaders, who have spoken out against human rights abuses and electoral malpractices, have received death threats.

Much of the destruction to businesses and property in Kisumu could have been averted by the speedy deployment of security forces to Western Kenya, in the immediate aftermath of the election, to restore law and order. Instead, the majority of Kenya's police force and GSU security force were diverted to surround Uhuru Park, the City Mortuary, and the slum areas of Nairobi, to prevent civilian assembly and peaceful protest. The "government" clearly made a decision to let Kisumu burn, and to leave its overwhelmed, outnumbered, and exhausted police force to resort to bullets in the absence of support or relief.

Kenya's hope lies now in the ongoing mediation process, led by Kofi Annan. All forms of international pressure that keep the PNU leaders at the negotiating table - such as the recent US travel ban on hardliners - should be encouraged. The responsibility of journalists, and publications like the Economist, is to name the violence correctly, hold the initiators accountable, and present the conflict in Kenya for what it is - a politically-instigated catastrophe, with a political solution.

Shailja Patel

KPTJ at AG's office this Friday

Early last month, Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice filed a complaint against Electoral Commission of Kenya at Kilimani Police Station. The complaint listed a number of election-related crimes, observed and documented by domestic election observers.

There has been no response or follow up by the police. The next step therefore, is for KPTJ to follow up with the Attorney General, demanding criminal prosecution of the ECK officials.

On Friday February 15,2008, at 10.00 AM, Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice will gather at Nairobi's Sheria House, where the office of the Attorney General is located, to formally submit a letter demanding the AG prosecute ECK officials for criminal liability.

Why is this important?

The Kibaki regime continues to put out the ridiculous fantasy that the election theft that plunged Kenya into catastrophe can, and should, be addressed through Kenya's courts. KPTJ is diligently pursuing every legal option, to demonstrate that Kenya's judicial system is blatantly compromised, and incapable of delivering a just electoral outcome to the people of Kenya.

If you are in Nairobi, please show up for this peaceful, orderly delivery of a legal document. The higher the public turnout, the harder it will be for the Attorney General to keep ignoring the complaint.

Sheria House, Nairobi, Friday February 15th, 10am.

what Americans can do about Kenya

(1)
Sign and circulate the Amnesty Petition to protect my friends and colleagues from death threats.

(2)
Call and email the State Department and the White House to implement the resolution on Kenya passed unanimously by Senate.

The resolution calls for tough measures against PNU and ODM leaders who incite violence and refuse to engage in mediation, including travel bans, and asset freezing.

White House Fax Number: 202-456-2461
White House Comment Line: 202-456-1111
White House Main Switchboard: 202-456-1414
White House Email: comments@whitehouse.gov
Vice-President's email: vice_president@whitehouse.gov

State Department, Condeleezza Rice, Secretary of State
Direct Office Line: 202-647-5291
Main Switchboard: 202-627-4000

Jendayi E.Frazer - Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Affairs
Direct Phone Line: 202-647-4440
Email: frazerje@state.gov

Here's what you can say on the phone, and in your email:

I'm calling / emailing to urge that the US:

1) refuse to recognize or do business with the Kibaki regime in Kenya

2) put pressure on the Kibaki regime in Kenya to commit to the ongoing mediation process, led by Kofi Annan

3) I urge the White House and State Department to implement immediately the recommendations of Feingold - Sununu measure, that was passed unanimously by Senate.

filling my mental space today

This image from Reuters, of two Kenyan children, in heavy rain, at a temporary shelter for around 19,000 displaced people in Eldoret. Forwarded to me by kickass Kenyan filmmaker and changemaker, Kagendo Murungi.

And this poem, from my medic friend, Matt Brockwell, written about a small patient on his pediatrics rotation.

For Asma

Your name makes us laugh, little one,
here with a diagnosis of asthma,
as if your parents set out to tempt fate, rolled the dice, and lost.
‘Asma’ is the name inked on your birth certificate,
and now, the world is inscribing asthma into your small lungs
in an ink perfused with diesel fumes, pollen, and dust.
But one day, you will write your name
back on the world, and it will mean what you choose it to mean.
One day, your life be as full grown as a city,
you will inhabit it as your own Asmara,
like Alexander in Alexandria,
you will walk its streets and your lungs
will draw in scents of berbere, cumin, cardamom,
freshly ground coffee, you will hear your name
called out as you pass – and one day,
to the name that your parents chose
because it means ‘precious’, you will add
further definitions, of your own choosing -
perhaps ‘beloved’, maybe
‘woman who runs marathons’,
‘revered grandmother’, or
‘my friend whom I will follow to the ends of the earth’.
but for now, you watch us, your small cage
rising and falling with each labored breath,
as if we could promise you that one day,
it will be you, you who will be the one
who tells others what is
the true meaning
of your name.